1. Cited in Françoise Cachin, Manet 1832-1883. Exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1983), p. 181.
2. George Heard Hamilton, Manet and His Critics, (New York: W. W. Norton, 1969), p. 67.
3. A. Bonnin, review in La France, 7 June 1865, cited in T.J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: Paris in the Art of Manet and his Followers, (New York: Knopf, 1985), pp. 83-84, 284, (French translation in note, p. 284) "Il n'a exposé que des ébauches. Cependant nous ne partageons pas l'opinion, trop répandue, que cette négligence soit un parti pris, une sorte de défi ironique jeté au jury et au public. Le jury eut certainement distingue une charge d'atelier d'une oeuvre malheureuse, et il luit eût fermé la porte du palais des Champs-Élysées. D'une autre côte, un artiste ne peut traiter légèrement le public sans compromettre sa réputation, qui reste parfois à jamais atteinte; et M. Manet, qui paraît à chaque Exposition, poursuit certainement autre chose que la triste célébrité que l'on peut acquérir par ces procédés périlleux. Nous aimons mieux penser qu'il s'est trompé. Maintenant, quel est son but? Ses toiles son trop inachevées pour qu'il soit possible de l'apercevoir."
4. Cited in Cachin, p. 174.
5. Beatrice Farwell, Manet and the Nude, (New York: Garland, 1981), p. 224.
6 . Clark, 100.
7. Theodore Reff, Manet: Olympia, 1977, (New York: Viking), p. 44. The hail of criticism included that of Jules Claretie, who in L'Artiste in May 1865 identified Olympia as "a courtesan no doubt" (une courtisane sans doute.) A few days earlier, Le monde illustré used the epigraphic poem by Zacharie Astruc to sardonically brand this "auguste jeune fille," a courtesan. A French dictionary published in 1873 describes a courtesan as "toute femmes de mauvaise vie qui est au-dessus des simple prostituées." (All women of vice who are above the simple prostitutes.) Cited in Alan Krell, "The Fantasy of Olympia," Connoisseur 195 (August 1977), p. 298.
8. Cited in Cachin, p. 179. According to Clark, p. 283, the poem was dropped from the second edition of the Salon catalogue, "presumably at Manet's or poor Astruc's request!" Adolphe Tabarant, Manet et ses oeuvres, (Paris: Gallimard, 1947), p. 105 credits Astruc as the author of the painting's title, and he reprints the poem in its entirety.
9. Cited in Krell, 1977, p. 298: "[These noms de guerre] offrent de grandes dissemblances, suivant les classes des prostituées, et donnent à eux seuls une idée de ce que peuvent être les sociétés qu'elles fréquentent, les lectures qu'elles peuvent faire, l'éducation qu'elles ont acquise, et la valeur qu'elles attachent aux expressions."
11. Clark, p. 86. The critical assessment of Olympia's class is taken at face value: "To more than one critic in 1865 she seemed to occupy a quite determinate place in the Parisian class system: she was an "Olympia from the Rue Mouffetard," "the wife a cabinetmaker" a "coal lady from Batignolles." All of these references were meant to be funny, of course, but the jokes depended on Olympia's being placed, to some extent unequivocally in the world of the faubourgs and the working class." (pp. 87-88) My reading of these comments is the opposite: the critics read the higher-class status implied, and thus linked her ironically with the working class prostitute. Alan Krell, Manet and The Painters of Contemporary Life, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1996) and especially Beth Archer Brombert, Edouard Manet: Rebel in a Frock Coat, (Boston: Little Brown, 1996), p. 140, observe that Olympia was meant to evoke a higher class courtesan: "The upper class of the profession bore high-flown names taken from epic poems or the ancient world: Armide, Arthémise, Aspasie, Isménie, Lucrèce, Octavie, Olympe. As noms de guerre they went back to the courtesans of Rome and Venice." Charles Bernheimer in "Manet's Olympia: The Figuration of Scandal," Poetics Today 10, no. 2 (Summer 1989), pp. 262-263, writes: "The various categories of the sexualized and/or venal woman cannot be as neatly subsumed as Clark would have us believe under the master classifications of the unrepresentable fille publique and the ultrarepresentable courtisane." Bernheimer, 1989a, p. 263, emphasized the uncertainty of this figure's class as part of its disturbing quality. The mobility within the economic status of the period extended even more dangerously to uncertainty surrounding moral identity: "Recognition of this social mobility has damaging consequences for Clark's argument, since it suggests that Olympia's subversion of the courtesan category need not entail the revelation of a class identity once hidden. Olympia's class origins remain unreadable because her nakedness is a dangerous instance not of class, as Clark would have it, but of the way sex suggests the irrelevance of class."
12. Cited in Clark, p. 86. Charles Bernheimer, 1989a, pp. 266-267, emphasizes the classical association with the name Olympia and its "troubling indeterminacy" "There is, of course, a classical echo, probably meant to be heard parodically here—Mount Olympus, home of the gods; Olympia, consort of Zeus—but also a purely modern one: 'Olympe' is listed by Alexandre Parent-Duchâtelet in his authoritative study of 1836, De la prostitution dans la ville de Paris, as one of the noms de guerre frequently assumed by upper-class prostitutes."
13. A period photograph (inscribed Lucie) may be the model for the servant who has been identified as Laure. Adolphpe Tabarant, cited in Reff, p. 93, identifies the model as a "Laure, a very beautiful Negress." See also Griselda Pollock's discussion of the model Laure in Differencing the Canon: Feminine Desire and the Writing of Art's Histories, (London/New York: Routledge, 1998), pp. 277-281.
14. Auguste-Jean-Marie Vermorel, Ces dames, physiognomies parisiennes, (Paris: Tous les Librairies, 1860), p. 28. "Il ne manque rien à Finette, rien, pas même un nègre! un nègre dont elle parle à tout propos! un nègre qui n'appartient qu'à elle et n'obéit qu'à elle. Elle l'aime tant, son nègre!." (English translation by the author)
15. Reff, p. 93 reproduced in Beatrice Farwell, "Courbet's Baigneuses and the Rhetorical Feminine Image," Art News Annual, 38 (1972), pp. 65-9, and in Pollock, p. 288.
16. Cited in Krell, 1977, pp. 298. See also S. L. Gilman, "Black Bodies, White Bodes: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine and Literature," in H. L. Gates, Jr. ed., 'Race,' Writing and Difference (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1986), pp. 223-61. Gilman analyzes contemporaneous medical literature, that attributed these qualities to physiological differences. These issues are also discussed in Pollock.
17. Hamilton, p. 79 observed: "But the cat is too intimately a Baudelariean symbol not to have wakened in the minds of the spectators of 1865, just as it cannot fail to now, memories of those cats who stalk through the pages of the Fleurs de mal." Many of the caricatures and the satirical reviews highlight the cat's presence in the painting. The poem most often associated with Olympia is "The Cat," in which Baudelaire's mistress and the animal are one, cited in Kathleen Kete, The Beast in the Boudoir, (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1994), p. 113: "Come, superb cat, to my amorous heart; / Hold back the talons of your paws / When my fingers leisurely caress you, / Your head and your elastic back, / And when my hand tingles with the pleasure / Of feeling your electric body, / In spirit I see my woman. Her gaze / Like your own, amiable beast, / Profound and cold, cuts and cleaves like a dart, / And, from her head down to her feet, / A subtle air, a dangerous perfume, / Floats about her dusky body." Reff, 1977, pp. 89-92 also discusses verses from the anthology that correlate with Olympia.
18. Krell, 1996, p. 59. See also Kete, p. 120. She quotes Alphonse Toussenel, who wrote in 1855 of using the image of a cat to describe female promiscuity. "'The [female] cat is essentially antipathetic to marriage,' Toussenel explained. 'She accepts one, two, three lovers,' and if denied by her domesticity the freedom to love, 'she goes to reclaim that freedom in the wild.'" John F. Moffitt, "Provocative Felinity in Manet's Olympia," Source, 14, no. 1 (1994), pp. 21-31 discusses extensively the association of the cat with sexuality.
19. Several authors note that as both paintings were nudes and both were inspired by Renaissance sources, Manet may have begun one and in the process conceived a second. See Anne Hanson, Manet and the Modern Tradition (New Haven: Yale, 1979). Reff, p. 44, remarks that they were both begun in 1863.
20. David Alston, "What's in a Name? Olympia and a Minor Parnassian," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 91 (April 1978), p. 149, discusses a poem by George Marcy published in L'artiste, in 1861, first cited by Hanson: "Olympia / Si nous vivions au siècle ou l'art vénitien / Dans son manteau royal drapait la Renaissance, / Elle aurait inspire Giorgione et Titien, / Dont l'ardente couleur et la magnificence / Auraient divinisé son idéal païen."
21. Cited in Brombert, p. 125.
22. Krell, 1996; Ed Lilley, "How Far Can You Go? Manet's Use of Titles," Word and Image, 10 (1994), p. 165. Both Krell and Lilley cite Alfred Devau, Dictionnaire érotique moderne (Bruxelles: Freetown, 1864) for this translation of the title. Théophile Gautier wrote a novel with this title, published in 1851, with numerous revisions thereafter. M. E.G.M. Théaulon de Lambert's one-act vaudevillian play of the same name dates to the early nineteenth century and the comic opera Partie carrée by Lucien Augé de Lassus premiered in 1884.
23. George Mauner also draws attention to the frog, but interprets it, paired with the soaring bullfinch, as a sign of the duality of human nature: "Manet used a bird and a frog which, like the figures they help us to interpret, do not struggle for the dominant position but serve to call attention to man's condition, to the inevitable paradox of life." Cited in Brombert, p. 129.
24. John House, "Manet and the De-Moralized Viewer," in Paul Hayes Tucker, ed., Manet's Le déjeuner sur l'herbe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) p. 86 and n. 22, p. 89: "Murger's grisettes, abandoning their independence and their gaiety, have become, according to the term used by students, grenouilles de brasseries"; Macé, quoted in J. P. Colin and J. P. Mével, Larousse, Dictionnaire de l'argot (Paris: 1992), p. 317.
25. [Léopold Stapleaux ?], Les courtisanes du Second Empire, (Bruxelles: Office de Publicité, 1871), p. 70: "La Grenouille n'était pas jolie, mais elle appartenait à cette catégorie de filles de plaisir chez lesquelles un certain entrain tient lieu de tout . . . ." (English translation by the author).
26. Alain Clairet, "Le bracelet de l'Olympia: Genèse et destinée d'un chef-d'œuvre". L'Oeil 333 (April 1983) p. 36-41.
27. Shirley Bury, Jewellery 1789-1910: The International Era, (Woodbridge, Suffolk, England: Antique Collectors' Club, 1991), vol. 2, p. 105: "Lockets, usually comprising two parts hinged together with glazed recesses for mementoes, were increasingly fashionable, but pendants were still often fitted at the back with gold-rimmed, glass-fronted boxes. From the late 1840s and early 1850s both lockets and pendant lockets sheltered photographs more frequently than painted miniatures, though the traditional curls of hair remained popular." And vol. 2, p. 363: "The persistent vogue for lockets, at its peak from the 1860s to the 1880s, gave rise to a long series of patents." Bury describes innovations such as an early form of plastic frame to protect the contents of the locket, and the shaping of the locket box to receive mementoes.
28. Reff, p. 108.
29. Popular illustrations of the camélia type represented her with a camellia flower at her breast. Grandville's popular illustration Camélia is in the collection of the Bibliothèque de la Musée des Arts Décoratifs. Marie Duplesssis, a courtesan said to be the prototype of Violetta in La Traviata is also shown with a camellia at her breast in a print from the Bettman Archive, NY, reproduced in Paul Henry Lang and Otto Bettmann, A Pictorial History of Music, (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966).
Nicholas John, ed., Violetta and her Sisters: The Lady of the Camellias, Responses to the Myth, (London: Faber and Faber, 1994) records that after the novel's publication in 1849, the first production of a dramatic play was in 1852, a second in 1867, followed by Verdi's opera La Traviata. Reff, p. 105, cites a number of imitations that referenced the source in their titles, such as Delacour and Thiboust, Diane de lys et de camellias and H. Craimeaux and Jamie fils, La bonne aux camélias.
According to Nils Sandblad, Manet: Three Studies in Artistic Conception, (Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1954), pp. 97-98 Manet was close to Dumas fils at the time of the play's production and he may have been more familiar with the text than scholars have recognized.
30. Vermorel, pp. 99-101. "Depuis le succès populaire de la pièce de M. Alexandre Dumas fils, on appelle dames aux camélias, ou simplement camélias, les biches qui se laissent dominer par un amour exclusif et prolongé. . . . On a souvent bafoué les Camélias. On a mis en doute leur sincérité et leur désintéressement. Il faut reconnaître cependant que les amours violents ne sont point aussi rares chez ces dames qu'on pourrait le croire. Et alors une métamorphose complète s'opère en elles; elles sont susceptibles de tous les sacrifices et de tous les dévouements, elles semblent dépouiller l'enveloppe de marbre qui recouvre leur cœur et deviennent des modèles de tendresses et de fidélité." (English translation by the author).
31. Pierre Larousse, Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle, (Paris: Librairie classique Larousse et Boyer, 1867), entry on Camélia.
32. Clark, p. 135.
33. "Salon de 1865," Le Constitutionnel (16 May 1865), cited in Reff, p. 58.
34. Cited in Clark, p. 96.
35. Ibid., p. 94.
36. Cited in Reff, p. 28.
37. Clark, p. 83.
38. Cachin, p. 180.
39. Brombert, p. 145.
40. Vermorel, p. 108. "Il en est d'elle comme de certains objets dans le salon d'exposition de l'Hotel de la Rue Drouot: on les voit de loin et on est attiré vers eux. Il y a bien une inscription: n'y touchez pas." (English translation by the author). This reading is indirectly substantiated by Seymour Howard, "Olympia Says 'No'", Source: Notes in the History of Art, 7 (Fall 1987), pp. 21-24, in which he observes that Olympia's gesture corresponds to the Chinese calligraphic sign "fu" which means no or signifies a contradictory or negative expression.
41. Brombert, p. 142. In a letter to The Burlington Magazine, 50 (March 1927), p. 166, Thomas Bodkin wrote that "many who saw the picture on its first appearance . . . connected the sitter" with La dame aux camélias. While Bodkin deduces that those allusions were based on an association between Olympia and the minor character of the same name in La dame aux camellias, it could be that early viewers who linked Olympia with the novel read the painting as an image of the camélia type embodied by the heroine Marguerite Gautier.
42. Tabarant, p. 105.
Oh, where do you come from, Siren, and what perfume of the Isles
Floats and pours forth from your velvety body
On what gilt illusion gaze your tranquil eyes,
Who judges the charms of your slender shape,
Of that flowering mouth whose pleasure he enjoys?
Where do you draw these airs of slave or of sultane,
This royal idleness and this sleepy uncertainty
This infant languor and your worldly pose?
But your virginal body, nothing obscured nor withered
Young lily of the East with ruby calyx. (Translation by the author)
43. A. J. Lorentz in Revue galopante au Salon, cited in Clark, pp. 96-97.
44. Farwell, 1981, p. 111.
45. Vermorel, p. 106. "Marguerite Gautier était poitrinaire, et beaucoup se sont inspirées d'elle." (English translation by the author).
46. Reff, pp. 57-58.
47. [Léopold Stapleaux?], p. 56.
48. Hector Fleischmann, Napoleon III and the Women he Loved, (London: Holden and Hardingham, 1915), p. 211. John Bierman, Napoleon III and his Carnival Empire (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), p. 242, identifies Julie as Justine Leboeuf. These sources also indicate that she left home at a young age for Angers, where she met a "wholesale dealer," who installed her at Nantes and showed her its marvels. According to Hector Fleischmann it was in Nantes that Julie Leboeuf joined the town grisettes seeking customers near the Graslin Theater, before leaving for Paris to seek her fortunes.
49. Baron d'Ambès, Intimate Memoirs of Napoleon III: Personal Reminiscences of the Man and the Emperor, edited and translated by A. R. Allinson (London: Stanley Paul, 1912), p. 287.
50. Fleischmann, pp. 215-216. According to Xavier Demange, a historian currently writing on the demi- monde, in a conversation with the author in June, 2001, the passage refers to Davilliers who was in charge of security in the Emperor's household.
51. Intermédiaire des chercheurs et curieux, 930 (15 May 1901): pp. 830-831. Here her address was given: 39 Blvd. des Capucines, and she was described as 21 years old with gray eyes, and chestnut hair. Other accounts described her as blond, with black eyes, which gives some indication of the ambiguity surrounding her appearance.
52. Edmond et Jules de Goncourt, Journal: Mémoires de la vie littéraire, ed. Robert Ricatte, (Paris, Flammarion, 1959), vol. 1, p. 1065, Adrien Dansette, Les amours de Napoleon III, (Paris, Librarie Arthème Fayard, 1938), p. 245 dates the beginning of their relationship to June 1863.
53. Bierman, p. 242.
54. Ibid., p. 243.
55. Bierman, p. 242, and Henry Richard Cowley, The Paris Embassy during the Second Empire (London: Butterworth, 1928), p. 282.
56. Cowley, p. 283.
57. For example, the inventory of Disderi's photographs (Cabinet des Estampes, at the Bibliothèque Nationale) lists Mme Bellanger as a client almost every year between 1857 and 1863. Then there is a break between 1863 and 1865, perhaps affirming her seclusion from public scrutiny. Disderi again photographed her several times in 1866, 1867 and 1868.
58 Fleischmann, p. 211. His account is among the most detailed and apparently reliable, although others have followed (none of which has been as well documented).
59. Her seclusion may account for her image not being readily identified by critics when Olympia was exhibited, and yet numerous depictions of demi-mondaines that were recognizable among the Venuses were not mentioned in exhibition reviews either. Beth Brombert, p. 112, also writes: "When contemporaries of Manet's painted their own mistresses from the demi-monde as Dianas or naiads, there was no public outcry, because to have recognized the model would have been to incriminate oneself." The practice also affirms that identification of these women was not for public consumption, but rather a sport for a select group.
60. According to researcher Xavier Demange, in a conversation with the author in June 2001, discussion of the relationship also appears in the unpublished diary of Ludovic Halevy in the entries for 31 August 1863 and 11 November 1863.
61. Charles Bernheimer, Figures of Ill Repute: Representing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 111, cites precedents for Olympia in the erotic photography of the period: "Although these images evidently had no place in the official salons, they did circulate widely among male spectators of salon pictures. Hence, their conventional modes of representing female sexual availability—among them the direct, uninflected stare characteristic of Olympia's gaze—would have constituted a covert frame of reference for many of the painting's viewers."
62. Le Petit Homme Rouge, in The Court of the Tuileries 1852-1870, (London: Chatto and Windus, 1907), p. 202 may also have confused these two women named Bellanger/ Bélanger as he states that Marguerite was an actress for "the little Théâtre Beaumarchais, and she subsequently obtained employment in a similar capacity at the Opera-house. Being clever, she soon rose in her profession, and appeared in various pieces at the Folie Dramatique as an ingénue." According to unpublished archives at the Musée Carnavalet, Anna Bellanger was an actress with the Opéra Comique.
Since Manet occasionally worked in the print collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale and since photographs were part of the depôt légale, they may have been available to him for study.
63. Among famous mistresses of the past whose features are portrayed as Virgins or Venuses, there is Jean Fouquet's Renaissance Virgin in the Melun Diptych said to represent Agnes Sorrel, mistress of his patron, Charles VII. Similarly Titian's Venus of Urbino was seen as portraying a similarly well known courtesan of his day. During the mid-nineteenth century Paul Baudry painted the famous cocotte La Paiva as the allegorical figure of night in Day Hunting Night on the ceiling of her Champs-Elysées apartment salon in 1864. See Bernheimer, 1989a, p. 238 and Bernheimer, 1989b, p. 106. Cachin, p. 178 observers: "More provocative nudes had flirted with scandal at the Salon. First there was Clésinger's sculpture Woman Bitten by a Serpent, 1847 (Musée du Louvre, Paris), in which everybody had recognized the model Mme Sabatier; but the scandal was contained within high society . . . Chassériau painted his mistress, the courtesan Alice Ozy, in the nude (Musée d'Avignon), and suffered nothing worse than admiration and a few bawdy but flattering verses."
64. Farwell, p. 42.
65. Ibid., p. 43. Paul Baudry sent a monumental penitent Magdalene (Nantes, Musée des Beaux-Arts) to the Salon of 1859 using the demi-mondaine Blanche d'Antigny as model. Examples of this practice are numerous and include other works not mentioned by Farwell: Charles Marchal showed Phryné and Pénélope in contemporary dress at the Salon of 1868 (Clark, p. 113). Phryné bears a strking resemblance to the demi-mondaine, Léontine Massin. A photograph and biography of Léontine Massin can be found in Frédéric Loliée, La fête impériale, (Paris: F. Jouven, 1907), p. 236. Albert Carrier-Belleuse modeled a near life-size figure of La Comtesse de Castiglione (former mistress of Napoleon III) en costume de reine d'Etrurie, (Musée des Beaux-Arts et de la Dentelle, Calais,) in 1864, a classicized variation of the costume she wore (and was photographed in) for a ball at the Tuileries in 1864. See De Carpeaux à Matisse. Exh. cat.. (Lille: Edition de l'Association des Conservateurs de la Région Nord-Pas-de-Calais, 1982), pp. 140-141.
66. Fleischmann reproduced one of the sculptures in his history of Napoleon's mistresses and attributed it to Carpeaux. Léon Carrier-Belleuse later identified these works as by his father, Albert Carrier-Belleuse, in L'Intérmediare des chercheurs et curieux 65, no. 1331 (20 June 1912), pp. 802-803. Fleischmann recounts that Count Horace de Viel-Castel (responsible for acquisitions to the Louvre) and a rival of M. de Nieuwerkerke, advised the Superintendent of Fine Arts to purchase these busts. "'Works of art,' he added 'of which one of my friends is obliged to dispose.' Nieuwerkerke, who, as a matter of fact knew as much about art as a cat knows of music, offered the work to the Empress and invited her to come to admire it with the Emperor. 'Their Majesties did not admire it for long: the Emperor withdrew stroking his moustache, the Empress was in a rage and banged the doors. The four busts represented Marguerite Bellanger, the Emperor's latest fancy, in four different positions." Most likely the busts were created prior to Marguerite's affair with Napoleon, as there is a photograph of one of the series dated 1860 in the Cabinet des Estampes. Carrier-Belleuse seems to have been a sculptor favored with requests for this type of portraiture, and images of Marguerite are particularly prevalent in the roles of Diana, Venus and other classical goddesses in the 1860s.
67. Cited in Reff, p. 54.
68. Charles Blanc, Histoire des peintres de toutes les écoles, (Paris: Vue J. Renouard 1849-76). Manet's interest in the Blanc history has been well documented by Anne Hanson and others. The artist owned the complete set and the volumes seemed to have served as a kind of bible for Manet.
69. Cited in John F. Moffitt, "Provocative Felinity in Manet's Olympia," Source, 14 (Fall 1994), pp. 21-22.
70. Reff, pp. 45-46.
71. Ibid., p. 46
72. Ibid., p. 47
73. Ibid., p. 47
74. Reff, p. 47. Both Olympia and The Mocking of Christ echo real and modern equivalents for their historic antecedents. Even more scandalous than Manet's painting was the publication in 1863 of Ernst Renan's Vie de Jesus. Just as the idealized Venus is reframed in the guise of a contemporary camellia type, the nude Christ portrayed Jesus as a living historical personage, just as Renan's history described him.
75. If we accept that Manet intended Olympia to represent this infamous demi-mondaine, the presence of the bracelet may have a double significance here. While Marguerite Bellanger terminated her relationship with the Emperor in 1865: "Not long after that, Marguerite signed a statement declaring that a child she had born in 1864 was not the emperor's, received a handsome cash settlement, and left Paris to take up residence in a remote country château." Bierman, p. 243. Several subsequent histories conclude that Charles Leboeuf, born 24 February 1864, was indeed the offspring of this union, and Marguerite's letters renouncing the emperor's paternity was simply to protect both herself and her child.
In his youthful artistic work—Olympia is a transitional one in this regard—Manet often associated himself with artistic biographies, as in La Pêche (1860-61) in which his self-portrait becomes the figure of Rubens and Suzanne's features appear in place of Ruben's wife Hélène Fourment. Such paintings demonstrate Manet's self-conscious concern with modernizing art and history and his place within it, supporting the portrait allusion in this modern Venus he called Olympia.
76. See photographs of the acquisitions in Clark, pp. 118-119.
77. Farwell, p. 42.